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As we covered in part 1 of this series, the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey does not ask about sexual orientation or gender identity directly. That means we can’t get information on LGBTQ+ people who are single, transgender, non-binary, bisexual, or pansexual people in different-sex partnerships, and more.

However, the American Community Survey does give us a robust sample of couples who live together and both select “female” or both select “male” on the ACS’s gender question. What can we learn from this data about same-sex partnerships in Minnesota?

A smaller share of same-sex partners get married and have kids

Looking only at partners living together, we see a smaller share of same-sex partners getting legally married compared to opposite-sex partners. Fifty-six percent of same-sex Minnesotan partners who live together are married, compared to 87% of opposite-sex partners in the state.

Thirty-nine percent of opposite-sex partners live with their own minor biological or adopted children, compared to 10% of same-sex partners.

Minnesotans in same-sex partnerships are younger and more likely to live in the Twin Cities

Seventy-one percent of Minnesotans in same-sex partnerships live in the Twin Cities, compared to 53% of opposite-sex partners and 58% of adults who do not live with a partner.

Minnesota adults in same-sex partnerships are also younger, on average, with a median age of 41, compared to a median age of 50 for opposite-sex partners. The median age of Minnesota adults overall is 47.

Although age and location differ, other demographic characteristics do not. Looking at race, ethnicity, and nativity, Minnesotans in same-sex partnerships look similar to the state as a whole.

Minnesotans in same-sex partnerships have higher education levels and are more likely to be dual-income

Minnesotans in same-sex partnerships have higher levels of educational attainment, on average, than those in opposite-sex partnerships. About 60% of individuals in same-sex partnerships have a bachelor’s degree compared to about 44% of adults in opposite-sex partnerships. The difference is even more pronounced within the oldest age bracket of adults age 55+.

ACS estimates also show that Minnesotans in same-sex partnerships have a slightly higher employment rate compared to opposite-sex partners (91% and 85%, respectively). Both groups have a higher proportion employed than adults who do not live with a partner (78%), a group that includes single adults who live alone and adults whose significant other does not live in the same household. Eighty-one percent of same-sex partnered households are dual-income, compared to 72% of opposite-sex partner households, which could be due, in part, to a lower share of households with children (and fewer stay-at-home parents).

On other socioeconomic measures, same-sex partners look similar to opposite-sex partners, with similar income distributions and poverty levels.

Younger same-sex partners are less likely to own their homes, but otherwise fare comparably on housing

Minnesota young adults in same-sex partnerships are less likely to own their homes than young adults in opposite-sex partnerships; those differences disappear for older age groups.

Apart from that early homeownership gap, Minnesotans in same-sex partnerships fare similarly to their opposite-sex counterparts on housing outcomes, with similar shares of same-sex and opposite-sex partners paying unsustainable amounts for housing.

Get more information in the next two parts of our series

From the American Community Survey, we can estimate that Minnesota’s LGBTQ+ population is younger, more likely to live in the Twin Cities, and more educated than the rest of the adult population, but look similar on other demographic measures. LGBTQ+ Minnesotans are also more likely to be working, and less likely to be early homeowners, but fare similarly on other measures of economic well-being.

The Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey, which asks about LGBTQ+ identity directly, largely confirms these results, but adds some additional nuance. The HPS also adds questions on mental health and social isolation that add to the picture of quality of life for LGBTQ+ Minnesotans. Read more in the next article in our series!

READ THE ENTIRE SERIES 

Part 1:  What current demographic tools can, and can’t, tell us about LGBTQ+ Minnesotans and their households 
Part 2: Same-sex couples as self-identified in the American Community Survey 
Part 3: LGBTQ+ adults as self-identified in the Household Pulse Survey
Part 4: LGBTQ+ youth and children as self-identified in the Minnesota Student Survey

 

Our thanks to Dr. Kay Simon, assistant professor at the University of Minnesota Department of Family Social Science, for reviewing this series.